Most recent open access volume:
2017
Atti del Convegno
“Greci e non Greci nell’Oriente ellenistico”
(Firenze, 14-15 dicembre 2015)
a cura di S. Bianchetti, V. Bucciantini, G. Mariotta
I. Achilli, Greci ed Ebrei da Ecateo di Abdera ai MaccabeiSVMMARIVM – Tam alieni a Graeca civitate fuerunt Iudaei ut Antiochi Epiphanis temporibus
adversus Syriae regum imperium in Iudaeorum litteris ‘Hellenismus’ oriretur: Maccabaeorum
libri documentum, verum etiam Siracides.ABSTRACT – The evidence offered by the books of Maccabees for the age of Antiochos IV’s
reform allows to highlight how ‘Hellenism’ was especially and namely born from the very problematic relationship between Greek and Jew people and culture, to the point of being the most significant heritage of that unique historical match. In the dossier available to dealing with the issue, the historian must not finally underestimate the book of Sirach.1-14 | PDF
V. Bucciantini, Letterati e storici dalla cena di Medio alla corte di Antigono Monoftalmo
SVMMARIVM – De historicis et litterarum studiosis, qui apud Antigonum Monoculum erant
convivioque Medii interfuerant, ut Liber de morte Alexandri Magni tradit, disseritur. Inter
hos Nearchus Cretensis quoque erat, qui in suo historico opere multum se ipsum laudaverat,
non ut de veneficio regis Alexandri Magni se excusaret, sed ut – mea sententia – aliam novam
regiam sibi inveniret.ABSTRACT – Some historians and scholars, who were at the court of Antigonos the One-Eyed,
took part also in the Medius’ dinner, as we know from the Liber de morte Alexandri Magni.
Nearchus of Crete was between them and he praised himself in his historiographical work, in
my opinion, for finding, after the death of Alexander the Great, a new royal court where to live
and not for defending himself from the accusation of poisoning.15-25 | PDF
V. Capponi Brunetti, Il ‘viatico’ di Alessandro: considerazioni su un passo plutarcheo (De Al. fort. 1, 3, 327D-F – 1, 4, 328A-B)
SVMMARIVM – Excellentiam animi causam fuisse victoriarum Alexandri Magni et regem
Macedonum Iliadem viaticum virtutis bellicae credidisse scripsit Onesicritus Astypalaensis.
Ex iis notionibus venit comparatio viatici exercitus Macedonii cum viatico philosophico Alexandri
– quae in prima oratione De Alexandri Magni fortuna aut virtute continetur – ex qua
Plutarchus dicit philosophiam verum viaticum Alexandri fuisse.ABSTRACT – Onesicritus of Astypalaea, companion and historian of Alexander the Great and one of the main authorities in Plutarch’s Vita Alexandri, has been commonly identified as source of De Alexandri magni fortuna aut virtute 1, 3, 327D-F – 1, 4, 328A, where philosophy and spiritual qualities – contrasted with the meager resources of the expedition – emerge as the conqueror’s true and only equipment. A comparison between the oration and the preserved onesicritean fragments shows however that Plutarch, in accordance to his epideictic – rhetoric purpose, modified the original topics and combined them with those of other authorities. Onesicritus
is therefore to be considered Plutarch’s literary reminiscence.27-39 | PDF
M.R. Cataudella, Greci, Indiani e il calcolo del tempo nell’età di Aśoka
SVMMARIVM – Verba δέκα ἐτῶν πληρη[…]ων, ineunte Aśokae edicto graece et aramaice
conscripto, litteris [ς (ὁ) αἰ], id est πληρη[ς (ὁ) αἰ]ών, potius quam πληρη[θέντ]ων vel aliter
supplenda verisimile videtur; nihil falsum nec ullum ab aramaica versione discrimen in annorum ratione computanda. Vestigia comparationis et obiectus verborum χρόνος et αἰών fortasse invenire licet.ABSTRACT – The words δέκα ἐτῶν πληρη[…]ων at the beginning of Aśoka’s greek-aramaic
edict seem to be integrated in this way, πλήρη[ς (ὁ) αἰ]ών, rather than πληρη[θέντ]ων or in
another way; no error of greek author or difference from aramaic version appear in computing
the number of years. Some traces of an opposition χρόνος/αἰών perhaps are detectable.41-54 | PDF
E. Galvagno, Sicelioti e Italioti al seguito di Alessandro
SVMMARIVM – De Graecis qui e Magna Graecia et Sicilia Alexandrum Magnum in Asiam secuti sunt et de Cleone qui in Curtii Rufi De rebus gestis Alexandri Magni propugnator προσκυνήσεως fuit.
ABSTRACT – A fragment of the Mityleneian Chares speaks about the presence of western people in the Alexander’s army during the Asian expedition. They mostly carried out a marginal part to cheer up the court of the king. But thanks to Curtius Rufus we learnt about a different case, which is the one of Cleon, a valiant defensor of προσκυνήσεως of the Macedonian king. From a comparison with the Arrian’s work, who ascribes this role to Anaxarchus, we are inclined to consider Cleon as an historical figure. Indeed, we think of him as the only Sicilian soldier who played the role of a bematist in the Alexander the Great army.
55-70 | PDF
F. Grasso, Tracce di storia nel Περὶ τῆς τοῦ Νείλου ἀναβάσεως aristotelico
SVMMARIVM – Quae Aristoteles in libello, qui inscribitur De inundatione Nili, tradit de consiliis Artaxerxis III bellum contra Aegyptum parantis, Aegyptiam originem habere et ad anni CCCXLIII facta spectare videntur. Haec omnia Aristotelem a Callisthene Olynthio accepisse veri simillimum est.
ABSTRACT – The paper aims to demonstrate that the informations about the war plans of the
Persian king Artaxerxes III againts Egypt, offered by Aristotle in his treatise De inundatione Nili, are of Egyptian origin and specifically refer to the events of 343/342 BC. It is also argued that Aristotle’s source was, in all likelihood, Callisthenes of Olynthus.71-81 | PDF
F. Landucci, Seleuco e Babilonia: un incontro fatale
SVMMARIVM – Seleucus qua ratione post mortem Alexandri Magni in rebus Babylonicis se gesserit intelligi potest non modo e Graecis auctoribus, sed etiam e Babylonicis titulis. Graeci
auctores Successorum res gestas enarrant ex sententia Macedonum victorum, qui saepe Babylonicum agrum praedabantur; Babylonici autem tituli curant dicere quomodo Successores illius regionis incolis prodessent. Quam ob rem Seleucus, reverens Babylonicos mores, rex Babyloniorum acceptus est.ABSTRACT – The relationship between Seleukos and Babylon can be understood by analyzing
the evidence related to the beginning of Seleukos’ role in the region after the death of Alexander
the Great: comparing Greek literary sources and Babylonian documentary sources, we can find in this evidence a fundamental paradigm for the subsequent periods. The classical sources describe the actions of the Successors in Babylon from the point of view of the Macedonian
conquerors, who did not hesitate to authorize the plunder of the territory, without any concern
for the local population, when they thought that this was consistent with their strategy. The
Babylonian documentary sources, however, read (and judge) the deeds of the Successors only
in relation to changes that they introduced in the living conditions of the inhabitants of the area: they were totally uninterested in international issues, which connected the fate of Babylon with the rest of Alexander’s empire. In this perspective, Seleukos’ behavior, respectful of the local
traditions, allows him to stabilize his leading role in Mesopotamia.83-101 | PDF
A. Magnelli – G. Petrantoni, Le bilingui greco-ebraiche di Tel Gezer e le vicende della città in età maccabaica
SVMMARIVM – Disseritur de titulis, exaratis graecis et hebraicis litteris, qui reperti sunt in
urbe Gezer. Haud inepte doctissimi viri suspicati sunt terminos urbis hos indicavisse. Litterae,
ut apparet, saec. II a. Chr. n. tribuendae.ABSTRACT – The paper concerns dating and interpretation of three Greek-Hebrew bilingual
inscriptions, discovered at Tell Gezer, considering them as boundary stones of the town during
the Hasmonean period.103-112 | PDF
G. Mariotta, Una spedizione di Onesicrito nello Sri Lanka?
SVMMARIVM – De Onesicrito praefecto classis Macedonicae ab Alexandro Magno ad Taprobanem insulam misso Solinus plane commemorat; cuius testimonium ut aliquatenus confirmetur, cum loco in annalibus Pāli lingua conscriptis, quos Mahāvaṃsa dicimus, confertur.
ABSTRACT – Evidence provided by Solinus, according to which Onesicritus was sent by Alexander the Great to explore Taprobane (present-day Sri Lanka), might be to some extent
confirmed by a passage coming from the Pāli chronicle known as Mahāvaṃsa.113-120 | PDF
F. Muccioli, Transferts culturali e cultuali nell’oriente ellenistico.
A proposito di alcuni recenti modelli interpretativiSVMMARIVM – Disseritur hoc studio de novis virorum doctorum animadversionibus in regna Successorum Alexandri Magni. Defenditur opinio reges, in primis Seleucidas (necnon Ptolomaeos), Macedonicam suae gentis originem patrumque memoriam servare studuisse et
quaedam exempla ad hoc probandum afferuntur.ABSTRACT – This paper focuses on the new critical trends on Seleucid dynasty and other Hellenistic royalties. In particular, I offer a full discussion of the attempt of ‘demacedonizating’ the kingdoms after Alexander (above all, Seleucids and Ptolemies), in order to stress the continuity with the past and the preservation of Macedonian identity. In the last part of my paper, I examine some case studies and new interpretations by the scholarship (the cylinder of Antiochus I from Borsippa and the impact of Seleucid ideology on Babylonian culture; the origin of ruler cult and the diffusion of proskynesis in the Hellenistic world).
121-148 | PDF
M.J. Olbrycht, Greeks and Macedonians in the Parthian Empire:
the case of SusaSVMMARIVM – Susorum, quae fuerunt inter nobilissimas aetatis hellenisticae Parthicaeque
urbes in Irania, notitia praecipue inscriptionibus et monumentorum reliquiis innititur.
Selucidae Susis coloniam Seleuciam ad Eulaium appellatam statuerunt. Graeci et Macedones
civitas ab indigenis seclusa fuerunt. Ex inscriptionibus apparet Parthos vetere urbis nomine,
id est Susa, uti maluisse, ac certum temporis spatium urbem Phraatam appellasse. Varia urbis
nomina, quae in servatis inscriptionibus et nummis se praebent – quae nomina erant Susa, Seleucia ad Eulaium, Phraata – indicat Susis discretos incolarum coetus, veterum indigenarum
(Sussianorum) et Graecorum Macedonumque exstitisse, quibus Parthi se adiunxerunt. Parthi
summos legatorum honores et legionum imperia Susis adepti sunt.ABSTRACT – Susa is one of the best known cities of Hellenistic and Parthian Iran due to
abundant epigraphic evidence and intense archaeological excavations. This paper aims to
show some characteristics of political and cultural developments and the role played by the
Greek-Macedonian community at Susa during the Parthian period. The Seleukids founded
a colony at Susa and called it Seleukeia on the Eulaios. This Greek-Macedonian community
must have been an enclave surrounded by a sea of indigenous folk. The city’s names used in
Parthian times – Susa, Seleukeia on the Eulaios, or Phraata – point to the existence of major
separate segments of the population, local Susian and Greek/Macedonian, with an influx of
Parthians, at Arsakid Susa.149-164 | PDF
S. Panichi, La Cappadocia tra iranismo ed ellenismo
SVMMARIVM – Persarum sacra et mores Cappadociae regnum sumpsit. Ipsi reges se a Persarum optimatibus ortos gloriabantur. Ii vero in Cappadociae urbes Graecorum cultum atque humanitatem attulerunt. Antequam Ariarathes III rerum potitus est, mirum quantum Anisa iam Graeca civitas videbatur.
ABSTRACT – Characteristic of the kingdom of Cappadocia were cults and habits of the Persians.
The same king prided themselves on being descendants from the Persian aristocracy. They
were, on the other hand, who introduced the Greek civilization in the urban centers of Cappadocia. Before Ariarathes III assumed power, Anisa seems, amazingly, already a Greek city.165-180 | PDF
A. Primo, La tradizione storiografica sulle tre colonie di Antioco I Soter in Caria
SVMMARIVM – St. Byz. (s. v. “Antiocheia”) narrat Antiochum I tres colonias in Cariam deduxisse. Id componi potest cum historica memoria de coloniis a Seleuco Nicatore in Syriam deductis. Verisimile est Antiochum Magnum huic memoriae favisse ut laudarentur quae a Syriaco rege in Caria gerebantur.
ABSTRACT – St. Byz. s. v. “Antiocheia” speaks us about three colonies founded by Antiochus
I in Caria. It is a datum connected with the well-known historiographical tradition about the four Syrian colonies founded by Seleuchus Nicator. Probably it was at the court of Antiochus the Great that this tradition was originated with the purpose of defending Seleucid policy in Caria.181-195 | PDF
Articoli
D. De Gianni, Sansone e il leone di Timna: Iud. 14, 1-10 nella riscrittura esametrica del poeta dell’Heptateuchos (iud. 538-59)
SVMMARIVM – Cyprianus, qui Gallus nuncupatur, biblicam de leone a Samsone necato (Iud. 14, 1-10) narrationem ad uerbum retinet (iud. 538-59). Sed aliquot additamentis amplificationibusque usus paraphrasi suae poeticam tribuit uim. In uersibus uero conficiendis
paraphrastes ex ethnicis poetis multa depromit, praesertim ex Vergilio, cuius sententias Christiana interpretatione usurpare solet. Praeterea exemplis allatis constat Cyprianum in biblica
tractanda materia Ambrosii Mediolanensis opera inspexisse.ABSTRACT – In the poetic re-writing of Judges 14, 1-10 (the fight of Samson against Timnah’s
lion), the Heptateuch poet (iud. 538-59) faithfully follows the content of the biblical text. As far
as the formal aspect is concerned, the analysis of this periscope highlights the closeness of the
paraphrase to classical models, especially to Virgil. The poet also uses patristic texts (Ambrose
of Milan’s De Spiritu Sancto and Epistle 9, 62), which serve as parallel sources in order to
integrate the narrative system without any exegetic purpose.199-224 | PDF
S. Francisetti Brolin, Erifile nell’Ade: da Omero ad Ausonio
SVMMARIVM – De Eriphyla, Amphiarai uxore, quaeritur quid Homerus (Od. XI 326-327), Vergilius (Aen. VI 445-446) atque Ausonius (Cup. Cr. 26-27) senserint.
ABSTRACT – The paper discusses passages by Homer (Od. XI 326-327), Vergil (Aen. VI 445-46) and Ausonius (Cup. Cr. 26-27) about the myth of Eriphyle.
225-238 | PDF
G.F. Gianotti, August Boeckh (1785-1867)
SVMMARIVM – Augusti Boeckhii, summi inter Germanos philologi, vita, studia nec non scripta inlustrantur.
ABSTRACT – Life, studies and works of August Boeckh, one of the greatest German classical
philologists, are here depicted.239-257 | PDF
A. Palla, Un testimone ‘ritrovato’ di Tucidide. Una storia (quasi) tutta tedesca
SVMMARIVM – De codice thucydideo eiusque collatione olim in Bibliotheca publica Berolinensi,
nunc in Bibliotheca Jagellonica Cracoviae asservatis.ABSTRACT – The article concerns a manuscript of Thucydides and its collation, once held
in the Prussian State Library in Berlin and now kept in the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków.259-264 | PDF
L. Pallaracci, Cleone contro Aristofane: ancora sulle ragioni dell’attacco dopo i Babilonesi
SVMMARIVM – Causa litis inter demagogum Cleonem et Aristophanem non fuit reprehensio
imperii Atheniensium in comoedia Babylonensium anno 426 acta. Ut intellegitur et ex oratione Dicaeopolidis (Ar. Ach. 510-516) et ex carmine Chori (Ar. Ach. 630; 659-664) et ex fragmento 67 K. – A. dramatis Babylonensium, duae fuerunt accusationes Cleonis in Aristophanem: iniuria in rem publicam et in claros viros Atheniensium.ABSTRACT – The reason for the demagogue Cleon’s pressing charges against Aristophanes
was not the latter’s criticism of Athenian imperialism in the comedy Babylonians staged in 426 a.C. From Diceopoli’s speech (Aristoph. Ach. 520-516), the Chorus (Aristoph. Ach. 630; 659-664) and fragment 67 K. – A. it can be gleaned that there were two accusations by Cleon
against Aristophanes: his slandering of the Athenian State and leading Athenian politicians,
and his criticism of the Ecclesia, the Athenian Popular Assembly.265-299 | PDF
A.A. Raschieri, Quintiliano vs. Cicerone: per una definizione della retorica in Quint. inst. II 15
SVMMARIVM – In secundo libro Institutionis oratoriae Quintilianus affirmavit artis orandi finem non in persuadendo sed in bene dicendo esse. Quo loco non solum falsas opiniones de Platonis doctrina emendavit, sed etiam infirmavit quod Cicero in Rhetoricis libris de artis orandi munere dixerat. Cum eius oratoria auctoritas magna esset, Quintilianus exempla, ex ipsis Ciceronis scriptis sumpta, docendi causa praebuit.
ABSTRACT – Quintilian stated in the second book of the Institutio oratoria that the purpose
of rhetoric does not consist in persuading but in bene dicere. In this passage, he not only corrected the false opinions that were circulating on the doctrine of Plato, but he refuted what
Cicero had argued in his Rhetorici libri on this topic. Quintilian illustrated his point with
examples drawn from the works of Cicero.301-321 | PDF
P. Steccanella, Il De viris illustribus di Gerolamo come scelta libraria
SVMMARIVM – Vt opinio mea fert, liber sancti Hieronymi, qui De uiris illustribus inscribitur, nihil aliud est nisi index bibliothecae, ex quo facile intellegatur et quales scriptores Christiani
lectione digni sint et ubi eorum opera reperiri possint. Hoc meum iudicium confirmare possunt etiam multi epistularum loci.ABSTRACT – S. Jerome’s book De viris Illustribus can be regarded as the catalogue of a library,
whose purpose is to explain which Christian authors are worth reading and where their books can be found. This view is supported by several passages of the Epistles.323-342 | PDF
A. Taliercio, Una nuova proposta per un antichissimo problema: deo/dea
in Verg. Aen. II 632SVMMARIVM – In Verg. Aen. II 632 deo / dea communis opinio, etsi putat hic utique Venerem
significari, tamen lectionem deo ut ‘difficiliorem’ probat. Huius scripti auctor existimat et ipsa deo veram esse lectionem, sed illud verbum ad deos omnino ac generatim spectare censet, et in sententia ducente deo ab Aenea ibidem enuntiata Aeneae erga deos pietatem vel per Iliacas ruinas servatam perspicit.ABSTRACT – About Verg. Aen. II 632 deo / dea the communis opinio, though persuaded that in any case the reference is to Venus, however prefers deo as lectio difficilior. Also the author
of this article believes that deo is the right reading, but she is of the opinion that this word
in the context denotes all deities in general, and in the Aeneas’ expression ducente deo she
recognizes the pietas erga deos that Aeneas had preserved intact even amid the Troy’s ruins.343-358 | PDF
Ricordi
C. Mandolfo, Ricordo di Francesco Corsaro
361-376 | PDF
Notiziario bibliografico
a cura di A. Quartarone Salanitro
377-380 | PDF
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